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Douglass Frederick:     more books (100)

Frederick Douglass: Selected Speeches and Writings (The Library of Black America series) by Frederick Douglass, 2000-04-01 Giants: The Parallel Lives of Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln by John Stauffer, 2009-11-12 Frederick Douglass: The Last Day of Slavery by William Miller, 1996-08 Escape To Freedom: A Play About Young Frederick Douglass (Puffin books) by Ossie Davis, 1990-02-01 Frederick Douglass by David A. Adler, 2010-06-01 The Complete Autobiographies of Frederick Douglas: (An African American Heritage Book) by Frederick Douglass, 2008-11-24 Frederick Douglass and the Fight for Freedom (Makers of America) by Douglas Miller, 1993-09 Frederick Douglass: Race and the Rebirth of American Liberalism (American Political Thought) by Peter C. Myers, 2008-02-21 Frederick Douglass Fights For Freedom by Margaret Davidson, 1989-01-01 Young Frederick Douglass: The Maryland Years (Maryland Paperback Bookshelf) by Dickson J. Preston, 1985-03-01 The Frederick Douglass Papers, Series 2: Autobiographical Writings, Vol. 1: Narrative by Frederick Douglass, 1999-07-11 The Triangle Histories of the Civil War: Leaders - Frederick Douglass by Helaine Becker, 2001-09-01 A Picture Book of Frederick Douglass (Picture Book Biography) by David A. Adler, 1995-10 My Bondage and My Freedom by Frederick Douglass , 2010-08-31

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21. Douglass Frederick School - Philadelphia, Pennsylvania - PA - School Overview
    Douglass Frederick School located in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania PA. Find Douglass Frederick School test scores, student-teacher ratio, parent reviews and teacher stats.  
    http://www.greatschools.org/pennsylvania/philadelphia/1941-Douglass-Frederick-Sc
    
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22. Narrative Of The Life Of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave
    Biographical sketches of this pioneer advocate for abolition of slavery, vocational education and economic self-help, political agitation, and nonviolent protests to advance the rights of African Americans.  
    http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/toc/modeng/public/DouNarr.html

23. Douglass, Frederick Summary | BookRags.com
    Douglass, Frederick. Douglass, Frederick summary with 3 pages of encyclopedia entries, research information, and more.  
    http://www.bookrags.com/research/douglass-frederick-aaw-02/

24. Douglass, Frederick, J.W. Hurn (19th C.) Stock Photo Image
    SuperStock / SuperStock Stock Photography Category Well known American Image Keywords 19th Century, 5055 Years, abolitionist, African Ethnicity, African-American, afro  
    http://www.superstock.com/stock-photos-images/262-1558

25. Frederick Douglass By Charles W. Chesnutt - Project Gutenberg
    An 1899 biography, by Charles W. Chesnutt. In plain text, with or without accented characters. Zip files also available. At Project Gutenberg.  
    http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/10986
    
    Extractions: A Biography Language English LoC Class E300: History: America: Revolution to the Civil War (1783-1861) Subject Douglass, Frederick, 1818-1895 Subject African American abolitionists Biography Subject Abolitionists United States Biography Subject Slaves United States Biography Subject Antislavery movements United States History 19th century Category Text EBook-No. Release Date Feb 1, 2004 Public domain in the USA. Downloads Readers also downloaded… In African American Writers In Biographies Read this ebook online... Available Formats Format Size Mirror Sites Generated HTML 159 kB EPUB 77 kB Kindle 115 kB Plucker 87 kB QiOO Mobile 118 kB Plain Text UTF-8 152 kB More Files… mirror sites If you scan this code with your mobile phone and appropriate software installed, it will open the phone browser to the mobile version of this page. Explain this to hear about new ebooks posted at Project Gutenberg.

26. Douglass, Frederick
    Title FREDERICK DOUGLASS PAPERS Date range 18471891 Location A.D74 Size 1 box. The collection contains correspondence and other material related to Frederick Douglass (1818-1895).  
    http://www.lib.rochester.edu/index.cfm?PAGE=854

27. Douglass, Frederick
    Douglass, Frederick. Frederick Douglass, (1818?1895), was the leading spokesman of African Americans in the 1800's. Born a slave, Douglass became a noted reformer, author, and  
    http://ebonyfigures.com/Douglass, Frederick.htm
    
    Extractions: Douglass, Frederick Frederick Douglass, (1818?-1895), was the leading spokesman of African Americans in the 1800's. Born a slave, Douglass became a noted reformer, author, and orator. He devoted his life to the abolition of slavery and the fight for black rights. Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey was born in Tuckahoe, Md., near Easton. At the age of 8, he was sent to Baltimore to work for one of his master's relatives. There, helped by the wife of his new master, he began to educate himself. He later worked in a shipyard, where he caulked ships, making them watertight. In 1838, the young man fled from his master and went to New Bedford, Mass. To avoid capture, he dropped his two middle names and changed his last name to Douglass. He got a job as a caulker, but the other men refused to work with him because he was black. Douglass then held a number of unskilled jobs, among them collecting rubbish and digging cellars. In 1841, at a meeting of the Massachusetts Antislavery Society, Douglass told what freedom meant to him. The society was so impressed with his speech that it hired him to lecture about his experiences as a slave. In the early 1840's, he protested against segregated seating on trains by sitting in cars reserved for whites. He had to be dragged from the white cars. Douglass also protested against religious discrimination. He walked out of a church that kept blacks from taking part in a service until the whites had finished participating. In 1845, Douglass published his autobiography

28. Frederick Douglass
    Resources for the study of Douglass.  
    http://www.wsu.edu/~campbelld/amlit/douglass.htm

29. Douglass, Frederick Definition Of Douglass, Frederick In The Free Online Encyclo
    Douglass, Frederick (dÅ­g`lÉ™s), c.1817–1895, American abolitionist, b. near Easton, Md. The son of a black slave, Harriet Bailey, and an unknown white father, he took the name of  
    http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Douglass, Frederick

30. Frederick Douglass Biography Pictures Portrait Books Online Forum
    Two complete online HTML texts, extensively annotated, with references cross-linked to the Encyclopedia of the Self.  
    http://www.selfknowledge.com/127au.htm

31. My Escape From Slavery
    From The Century Illustrated Magazine 23, published November 1881. From Project Gutenberg.  
    http://www.thrall.org/urr/myescape.htm

32. Douglass Frederick: Free Encyclopedia Articles At Questia.com Online Library
    Research Douglass Frederick and other related topics by using the free encyclopedia at the Questia.com online library.  
    http://www.questia.com/library/encyclopedia/101241372

33. Frederick Douglass (American Memory, Library Of Congress)
    The papers of Frederick Douglass span the years 1841 to 1964, with the bulk of the material concentrated in the period 186295. The collection consists of correspondence, speeches  
    http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/doughtml/doughome.html
    
    Extractions: Search by Keyword Series Search or browse Index of Names in Correspondence (PDF, 1.3 Mb) The Frederick Douglass Papers at the Library of Congress presents the papers of the nineteenth-century African-American abolitionist who escaped from slavery and then risked his own freedom by becoming an outspoken antislavery lecturer, writer, and publisher. The release of the Douglass Papers, The mission of the Library of Congress is to make its resources available and useful to Congress and the American people and to sustain and preserve a universal collection of knowledge and creativity for future generations. The goal of the Library's National Digital Library Program is to offer broad public access to a wide range of historical and cultural documents as a contribution to education and lifelong learning. The Library of Congress presents these documents as part of the record of the past. These primary historical documents reflect the attitudes, perspectives, and beliefs of different times. The Library of Congress does not endorse the views expressed in these collections, which may contain materials offensive to some readers. Special Presentations:

34. Narrative Of The Life Of Frederick Douglass
    His autobiography, from Project Gutenberg.  
    http://www.thrall.org/urr/bio.htm

35. Douglass, Frederick Summary | BookRags.com
    Douglass, Frederick. Douglass, Frederick summary with 10 pages of encyclopedia entries, research information, and more.  
    http://www.bookrags.com/research/douglass-frederick-rerl-02/

36. My Escape From Slavery, By Frederick Douglass; My Escape From Slavery Page 1
    An article that first appeared in the November 1881 edition of The Century Illustrated Magazine.  
    http://www.pagebypagebooks.com/Frederick_Douglass/My_Escape_From_Slavery/My_Esca

37. Douglass, Frederick Legal Definition Of Douglass, Frederick. Douglass, Frederick
    Frederick Douglass. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. A very influential African American leader of the nineteenth century, Frederick Douglass used his exceptional skills as an orator, writer  
    http://legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Douglass, Frederick

38. An Appeal To Congress For Impartial Suffrage
    An article from the Atlantic Monthly 19 (Jan. 1867).  
    http://eserver.org/race/impartial-suffrage.txt
    
    Extractions: ****FOR AN .HTML VERSION OF THIS PAGE PLEASE VISIT http://eserver.org/race/**** AN APPEAL TO CONGRESS FOR IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE by Frederick Douglass A very limited statement of the argument for impartial suffrage, and for including the negro in the body politic, would require more space than can be reasonably asked here. It is supported by reasons as broad as the nature of man, and as numerous as the wants of society. Man is the only government-making animal in the world. His right to a participation in the production and operation of government is an inference from his nature, as direct and self-evident as is his right to acquire property or education. It is no less a crime against the manhood of a man, to declare that he shall not share in the making and directing of the government under which he lives, than to say that he shall not acquire property and education. The fundamental and unanswerable argument in favor of the enfranchisement of the negro is found in the undisputed fact of his manhood. He is a man, and by every fact and argument by which any man can sustain his right to vote, the negro can sustain his right equally. It is plain that, if the right belongs to any, it belongs to all. The doctrine that some men have no rights that others are bound to respect, is a doctrine which we must banish as we have banished slavery, from which it emanated. If black men have no rights in the eyes of white men, of course the whites can have none in the eyes of the blacks. The result is a war of races, and the annihilation of all proper human relations. But suffrage for the negro, while easily sustained upon abstract principles, demands consideration upon what are recognized as the urgent necessities of the case. It is a measure of relief,a shield to break the force of a blow already descending with violence, and render it harmless. The work of destruction has already been set in motion all over the South. Peace to the country has literally meant war to the loyal men of the South, white and black; and negro suffrage is the measure to arrest and put an end to that dreadful strife. Something then, not by way of argument, (for that has been done by Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Wendell Phillips, Gerrit Smith, and other able men,) but rather of statement and appeal. For better or for worse, (as in some of the old marriage ceremonies,) the negroes are evidently a permanent part of the American population. They are too numerous and useful to be colonized, and too enduring and self-perpetuating to disappear by natural causes. Here they are, four millions of them, and, for weal or for woe, here they must remain. Their history is parallel to that of the country; but while the history of the latter has been cheerful and bright with blessings, theirs has been heavy and dark with agonies and curses. What O'Connell said of the history of Ireland may with greater truth be said of the negro's. It may be "traced like a wounded man through a crowd, by the blood." Yet the negroes have marvellously survived all the exterminating forces of slavery, and have emerged at the end of two hundred and fifty years of bondage, not morose, misanthropic, and revengeful, but cheerful, hopeful, and forgiving. They now stand before Congress and the country, not complaining of the past, but simply asking for a better future. The spectacle of these dusky millions thus imploring, not demanding, is touching; and if American statesmen could be moved by a simple appeal to the nobler elements of human nature, if they had not fallen, seemingly, into the incurable habit of weighing and measuring every proposition of reform by some standard of profit and loss, doing wrong from choice, and right only from necessity or some urgent demand of human selfishness, it would be enough to plead for the negroes on the score of past services and sufferings. But no such appeal shall be relied on here. Hardships, services, sufferings, and sacrifices are all waived. It is true that they came to the relief of the country at the hour of its extremest need. It is true that, in many of the rebellious States, they were almost the only reliable friends the nation had throughout the whole tremendous war. It is true that, notwithstanding their alleged ignorance, they were wiser than their masters, and knew enough to be loyal, while those masters only knew enough to be rebels and traitors. It is true that they fought side by side in the loyal cause with our gallant and patriotic white soldiers, and that, but for their help,divided as the loyal States were,the Rebels might have succeeded in breaking up the Union, thereby entailing border wars and troubles of unknown duration and incalculable calamity. All this and more is true of these loyal negroes. Many daring exploits will be told to their credit. Impartial history will paint them as men who deserved well of their country. It will tell how they forded and swam rivers, with what consummate address they evaded the sharp-eyed Rebel pickets, how they toiled in the darkness of night through the tangled marshes of briers and thorns, barefooted and weary, running the risk of losing their lives, to warn our generals of Rebel schemes to surprise and destroy our loyal army. It will tell how these poor people, whose rights we still despised, behaved to our wounded soldiers, when found cold, hungry, and bleeding on the deserted battle-field; how they assisted our escaping prisoners from Andersonville, Belle Isle, Castle Thunder, and elsewhere, sharing with them their wretched crusts, and otherwise affording them aid and comfort; how they promptly responded to the trumpet call for their services, fighting against a foe that denied them the rights of civilized warfare, and for a government which was without the courage to assert those rights and avenge their violation in their behalf; with what gallantry they flung themselves upon Rebel fortifications, meeting death as fearlessly as any other troops in the service. But upon none of these things is reliance placed. These facts speak to the better dispositions of the human heart; but they seem of little weight with the opponents of impartial suffrage. It is true that a strong plea for equal suffrage might be addressed to the national sense of honor. Something, too, might be said of national gratitude. A nation might well hesitate before the temptation to betray its allies. There is something immeasurably mean, to say nothing of the cruelty, in placing the loyal negroes of the South under the political power of their Rebel masters. To make peace with our enemies is all well enough; but to prefer our enemies and sacrifice our friends,to exalt our enemies and cast down our friends,to clothe our enemies, who sought the destruction of the government, with all political power, and leave our friends powerless in their hands,is an act which need not be characterized here. We asked the negroes to espouse our cause, to be our friends, to fight for us, and against their masters; and now, after they have done all that we asked them to do,helped us to conquer their masters, and thereby directed toward themselves the furious hate of the vanquished,it is proposed in some quarters to turn them over to the political control of the common enemy of the government and of the negro. But of this let nothing be said in this place. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenceless,the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinency to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. For in respect to this grand measure it is the good fortune of the negro that enlightened selfishness, not less than justice, fights on his side. National interest and national duty, if elsewhere separated, are firmly united here. The American people can, perhaps, afford to brave the censure of surrounding nations for the manifest injustice and meanness of excluding its faithful black soldiers from the ballot-box, but it cannot afford to allow the moral and mental energies of rapidly increasing millions to be consigned to hopeless degradation. Strong as we are, we need the energy that slumbers in the black man's arm to make us stronger. We want no longer any heavy- footed, melancholy service from the negro. We want the cheerful activity of the quickened manhood of these sable millions. Nor can we afford to endure the moral blight which the existence of a degraded and hated class must necessarily inflict upon any people among whom such a class may exist. Exclude the negroes as a class from political rights,teach them that the high and manly privilege of suffrage is to be enjoyed by white citizens only, that they may bear the burdens of the state, but that they are to have no part in its direction or its honors,and you at once deprive them of one of the main incentives to manly character and patriotic devotion to the interests of the government; in a word, you stamp them as a degraded caste,you teach them to despise themselves, and all others to despise them. Men are so constituted that they largely derive their ideas of their abilities and their possibilities from the settled judgments of their fellow-men, and especially from such as they read in the institutions under which they live. If these bless them, they are blest indeed; but if these blast them, they are blasted indeed. Give the negro the elective franchise, and you give him at once a powerful motive for all noble exertion, and make him a man among men. A character is demanded of him, and here as elsewhere demand favors supply. It is nothing against this reasoning that all men who vote are not good men or good citizens. It is enough that the possession and exercise of the elective franchise is in itself an appeal to the nobler elements of manhood, and imposes education as essential to the safety of society. To appreciate the full force of this argument, it must be observed, that disfranchisement in a republican government based upon the idea of human equality and universal suffrage, is a very different thing from disfranchisement in governments based upon the idea of the divine right of kings, or the entire subjugation of the masses. Masses of men can take care of themselves. Besides, the disabilities imposed upon all are necessarily without that bitter and stinging element of invidiousness which attaches to disfranchisement in a republic. What is common to all works no special sense of degradation to any. But in a country like ours, where men of all nations, kindred, and tongues are freely enfranchised, and allowed to vote, to say to the negro, You shall not vote, is to deal his manhood a staggering blow, and to burn into his soul a bitter and goading sense of wrong, or else work in him a stupid indifference to all the elements of a manly character. As a nation, we cannot afford to have amongst us either this indifference and stupidity, or that burning sense of wrong. These sable millions are too powerful to be allowed to remain either indifferent or discontented. Enfranchise them, and they become self-respecting and country-loving citizens. Disfranchise them, and the mark of Cain is set upon them less mercifully than upon the first murderer, for no man was to hurt him. But this mark of inferiorityall the more palpable because of a difference of colornot only dooms the negro to be a vagabond, but makes him the prey of insult and outrage everywhere. While nothing may be urged here as to the past services of the negro, it is quite within the line of this appeal to remind the nation of the possibility that a time may come when the services of the negro may be a second time required. History is said to repeat itself, and, if so, having wanted the negro once, we may want him again. Can that statesmanship be wise which would leave the negro good ground to hesitate, when the exigencies of the country required his prompt assistance? Can that be sound statesmanship which leaves millions of men in gloomy discontent, and possibly in a state of alienation in the day of national trouble? Was not the nation stronger when two hundred thousand sable soldiers were hurled against the Rebel fortifications, than it would have been without them? Arming the negro was an urgent military necessity three years ago,are we sure that another quite as pressing may not await us? Casting aside all thought of justice and magnanimity, is it wise to impose upon the negro all the burdens involved in sustaining government against foes within and foes without, to make him equal sharer in all sacrifices for the public good, to tax him in peace and conscript him in war, and then coldly exclude him from the ballot-box? Look across the sea. Is Ireland, in her present condition, fretful, discontented, compelled to support an establishment in which she does not believe, and which the vast majority of her people abhor, a source of power or of weakness to Great Britain? Is not Austria wise in removing all ground of complaint against her on the part of Hungary? And does not the Emperor of Russia act wisely, as well as generously, when he not only breaks up the bondage of the serf, but extends him all the advantages of Russian citizenship? Is the present movement in England in favor of manhood suffragefor the purpose of bringing four millions of British subjects into full sympathy and co-operation with the British governmenta wise and humane movement, or otherwise? Is the existence of a rebellious element in our borderswhich New Orleans, Memphis, and Texas show to be only disarmed, but at heart as malignant as ever, only waiting for an opportunity to reassert itself with fire and sworda reason for leaving four millions of the nation's truest friends with just cause of complaint against the Federal government? If the doctrine that taxation should go hand in hand with representation can be appealed to in behalf of recent traitors and rebels, may it not properly be asserted in behalf of a people who have ever been loyal and faithful to the government? The answers to these questions are too obvious to require statement. Disguise it as we may, we are still a divided nation. The Rebel States have still an anti-national policy. Massachusetts and South Carolina may draw tears from the eyes of our tender-hearted President by walking arm in arm into his Philadelphia Convention, but a citizen of Massachusetts is still an alien in the Palmetto State. There is that, all over the South, which frightens Yankee industry, capital, and skill from its borders. We have crushed the Rebellion, but not its hopes or its malign purposes. The South fought for perfect and permanent control over the Southern laborer. It was a war of the rich against the poor. They who waged it had no objection to the government, while they could use it as a means of confirming their power over the laborer. They fought the government, not because they hated the government as such, but because they found it, as they thought, in the way between them and their one grand purpose of rendering permanent and indestructible their authority and power over the Southern laborer. Though the battle is for the present lost, the hope of gaining this object still exists, and pervades the whole South with a feverish excitement. We have thus far only gained a Union without unity, marriage without love, victory without peace. The hope of gaining by politics what they lost by the sword, is the secret of all this Southern unrest; and that hope must be extinguished before national ideas and objects can take full possession of the Southern mind. There is but one safe and constitutional way to banish that mischievous hope from the South, and that is by lifting the laborer beyond the unfriendly political designs of his former master. Give the negro the elective franchise, and you at once destroy the purely sectional policy, and wheel the Southern States into line with national interests and national objects. The last and shrewdest turn of Southern politics is a recognition of the necessity of getting into Congress immediately, and at any price. The South will comply with any conditions but suffrage for the negro. It will swallow all the unconstitutional test oaths, repeal all the ordinances of Secession, repudiate the Rebel debt, promise to pay the debt incurred in conquering its people, pass all the constitutional amendments, if only it can have the negro left under its political control. The proposition is as modest as that made on the mountain: "All these things will I give unto thee if thou wilt fall down and worship me." But why are the Southerners so willing to make these sacrifices? The answer plainly is, they see in this policy the only hope of saving something of their old sectional peculiarities and power. Once firmly seated in Congress, their alliance with Northern Democrats re-established, their States restored to their former position inside the Union, they can easily find means of keeping the Federal government entirely too busy with other important matters to pay much attention to the local affairs of the Southern States. Under the potent shield of State Rights, the game would be in their own hands. Does any sane man doubt for a moment that the men who followed Jefferson Davis through the late terrible Rebellion, often marching barefooted and hungry, naked and penniless, and who now only profess an enforced loyalty, would plunge this country into a foreign war to-day, if they could thereby gain their coveted independence, and their still more coveted mastery over the negroes? Plainly enough, the peace not less than the prosperity of this country is involved in the great measure of impartial suffrage. King Cotton is deposed, but only deposed, and is ready to-day to reassert all his ancient pretensions upon the first favorable opportunity. Foreign countries abound with his agents. They are able, vigilant, devoted. The young men of the South burn with the desire to regain what they call the lost cause; the women are noisily malignant towards the Federal government. In fact, all the elements of treason and rebellion are there under the thinnest disguise which necessity can impose. What, then, is the work before Congress? It is to save the people of the South from themselves, and the nation from detriment on their account. Congress must supplant the evident sectional tendencies of the South by national dispositions and tendencies. It must cause national ideas and objects to take the lead and control the politics of those States. It must cease to recognize the old slave-masters as the only competent persons to rule the South. In a word, it must enfranchise the negro, and by means of the loyal negroes and the loyal white men of the South build up a national party there, and in time bridge the chasm between North and South, so that our country may have a common liberty and a common civilization. The new wine must be put into new bottles. The lamb may not be trusted with the wolf. Loyalty is hardly safe with traitors. Statesmen of America! beware what you do. The ploughshare of rebellion has gone through the land beam-deep. The soil is in readiness, and the seed-time has come. Nations, not less than individuals, reap as they sow. The dreadful calamities of the past few years came not by accident, nor unbidden, from the ground. You shudder to-day at the harvest of blood sown in the spring-time of the Republic by your patriot fathers. The principle of slavery, which they tolerated under the erroneous impression that it would soon die out, became at last the dominant principle and power at the South. It early mastered the Constitution, became superior to the Union, and enthroned itself above the law. Freedom of speech and of the press it slowly but successfully banished from the South, dictated its own code of honor and manners to the nation, brandished the bludgeon and the bowie-knife over Congressional debate, sapped the foundations of loyalty, dried up the springs of patriotism, blotted out the testimonies of the fathers against oppression, padlocked the pulpit, expelled liberty from its literature, invented nonsensical theories about master-races and slave-races of men, and in due season produced a Rebellion fierce, foul, and bloody. This evil principle again seeks admission into our body politic. It comes now in shape of a denial of political rights to four million loyal colored people. The South does not now ask for slavery. It only asks for a large degraded caste, which shall have no political rights. This ends the case. Statesmen, beware what you do. The destiny of unborn and unnumbered generations is in your hands. Will you repeat the mistake of your fathers, who sinned ignorantly? or will you profit by the blood-bought wisdom all round you, and forever expel every vestige of the old abomination from our national borders? As you members of the Thirty-ninth Congress decide, will the country be peaceful, united, and happy, or troubled, divided, and miserable. AN APPEAL TO CONGRESS FOR IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE by Frederick Douglass Atlantic Monthly 19 (Jan. 1867): 112-117.

39. Awesome Library - Social Studies - Biographies - D E F - Douglass, Frederick
    The Awesome Library organizes 37,000 carefully reviewed K12 education resources, the top 5 percent for teachers, students, parents, and librarians. It includes a search engine.  
    http://www.awesomelibrary.org/Classroom/Social_Studies/Biographies/D_E_F/Douglas

40. Douglass, Frederick -
    November is National Adoption Awareness Month! Find new ways to celebrate on our National Adoption Month Calendar featuring daily activities.  
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    Extractions: See all Categories See all Categories Adopting International Pregnancy ... D Current Page Adoption Articles Adoption Forums Adoption Blogs Adoption News ... Find a Professional document.getElementById('ncCategory_nojs').style.display='none'; document.getElementById('ncCategory').style.display='block'; More... de Rossi, Giovanni Battista Deacon, Joseph John Dean, James Byron Delamere, Paora Kingi Dermit, Édouard Devadasi D.M.C. Diamond, Jeff Dickerson, Eric Demetric Dickinson, David Diddley, Bo Dinka People (under Captives) Divine, David Dodson, Adrian Dodson, Michael Dodson, Patrick Douglas, Anthony Douglas, Catherine Douglass, Frederick Dowd, Donny Dreyer, Carl-Theodor Duchin, Peter Oelrichs Duleep Singh (under India - Princely States: 5) Duleep Singh (under India - Princely States: 5) Duleep Singh (under India - Princely States: 5) Duleep Singh (under India - Princely States: 5) advertisement - Select One - Learn More Looking to Adopt?

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