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         Veblen Thorstein:     more books (39)
  1. Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929)
  2. Absentee Ownership and Business Enterprise in Recent Times: the Caseof America by Thorstein [1857-1929] Veblen, 1923
  3. Biography - Veblen, Thorstein (1857-1929): An article from: Contemporary Authors Online by Gale Reference Team, 2007-01-01
  4. The vested interests and the common man (The modern point of view and the new order) by Thorstein Veblen by Thorstein (1857-1929) Veblen, 1924-01-01
  5. Durkheim and Veblen on the social nature of individualism. (Notes and Communications).(Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) compared with Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929)): ... An article from: Journal of Economic Issues by Rick Tilman, 2002-12-01
  6. The Place Of Science In Modern Civilisation And Other Essays by Veblen Thorstein 1857-1929, 2010-09-29
  7. The engineers and the price system. by Thorstein Veblen. by Veblen. Thorstein. 1857-1929., 1921-01-01
  8. Imperial Germany and the industrial revolution. by Thorstein Veb by Veblen. Thorstein. 1857-1929., 1915-01-01
  9. De triomf der ironie: Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929) als radicaal-burgerlijk criticus van de moderne cultuur by P. L. van Elderen, 1991
  10. The higher learning in America; a memorandum on the conduct of u by Veblen. Thorstein. 1857-1929., 1918-01-01
  11. The instinct of workmanship. and the state of the industrial art by Veblen. Thorstein. 1857-1929., 1914-01-01
  12. The instinct of workmanship. and the state of the industrial art by Veblen. Thorstein. 1857-1929., 1918-01-01
  13. Thorstein Veblen: Victorian Firebrand by Elizabeth Jorgensen, Henry Jorgensen, 1999-04
  14. Thorstein Veblen by Douglas Dowd, 2000-07-31

1. Veblen, Thorstein; Bibliography By Subject
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The number after the subject (topic or theme) tells how many books on this subject the author has. Please click on the subject to see books. Alternatively, you can see the alphabetically ordered bibliography of Veblen, Thorstein Leisure class Nonfiction Social Sciences Sociology General Business ... Contact

2. Veblen Thorstein
Thorstein Bunde Veblen, born Torsten Bunde Veblen (July 30, 1857 ndash; August 3, 1929) was an American sociologist and economist and a primary mentor, along with John R
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Wikipedia Wikipedia Reference from Wikipedia
Thorstein Veblen
Thorstein Bunde Veblen , born Torsten Bunde Veblen Veblen is famous in the History of economic thought for combining a Darwinian evolutionary perspective with his new institutionalist approach to economic analysis. He combined sociology with economics in his masterpiece, The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), arguing there was a basic distinction between the productiveness of "industry," run by engineers, which manufactures goods, and the parasitism of "business," which ... see more Thorstein Bunde Veblen , born Torsten Bunde Veblen Veblen is famous in the History of economic thought for combining a Darwinian evolutionary perspective with his new institutionalist approach to economic analysis. He combined sociology with economics in his masterpiece, The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), arguing there was a basic distinction between the productiveness of "industry," run by engineers, which manufactures goods, and the parasitism of "business," which exists only to make profits for a leisure class. The chief activity of the leisure class was "conspicuous consumption", and their economic contribution is "waste," activity that contributes nothing to productivity. The American economy was therefore made inefficient and corrupt by the businessmen, though he never made that claim explicit.

3. Thorstein Veblen - Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia
Veblen, Thorstein Bunde Alternative names Short description Date of birth July 30, 1857 Place of birth Date of death August 3, 1929 Place of death
Thorstein Veblen
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation search Thorstein Veblen Institutional economics
Thorstein Bunde Veblen (1857-1929) Birth July 30, 1857 Cato, Wisconsin Death Nationality Norwegian American Field evolutionary economics sociology Influences William Graham Sumner William James William McDougall Georges Vacher de Lapouge ... Herbert Spencer Opposed Karl Marx Neoclassical economics German historical school Influenced Wesley Clair Mitchell Clarence Edwin Ayres John Kenneth Galbraith C. Wright Mills ... Jonathan Nitzan Contributions conspicuous consumption penalty of taking the lead ceremonial / instrumental dichotomy Thorstein Bunde Veblen , born Torsten Bunde Veblen (July 30, 1857 – August 3, 1929) was an American sociologist and economist and a primary mentor, along with John R. Commons , of the institutional economics movement. Besides his technical work he was a popular and witty critic of capitalism, as shown by his best known book The Theory of the Leisure Class Veblen is famous in the History of economic thought for combining a Darwinian evolutionary perspective with his new institutionalist approach to economic analysis. He combined sociology with economics in his masterpiece

4. Veblen: The Theory Of The Leisure Class: Cover
The first and still foremost of the modern attack on wealth. This book originated the term conspicuous consumption .
Thorstein Veblen
The Theory of the Leisure Class
Table of Contents

5. Veblen, Thorstein (Bunde) - Encyclopedia Britannica - On History
Full Name Thorstein Veblen. Nationality American Activity American economist and sociologist. Born 3007-1857 Died 03-08-1929

6. The Theory Of The Leisure Class: TOC
HTML web version.
Table of Contents
colophon Hypertext

7. Veblen, Thorstein
Stanley K. Schultz, Professor of History William P. Tishler, Producer Shane Hamilton, Web Editor
Stanley K. Schultz, Professor of History
William P. Tishler, Producer
Shane Hamilton, Web Editor Veblen, Thorstein Social critic, economist (1857-1929) The son of Norwegian immigrants, Veblen was born in Manitowoc County, Wisconsin, and grew up in rural Minnesota. He received his B.A from Carleton College (1880) and Ph.D. in philosophy from Yale (1884). Unable to attain a teaching position, he spent seven unhappy years at home in Minnesota before resuming his academic career. From 1892 to 1906, he taught political economy at the University of Chicago, gaining a reputation as a brilliant, eccentric thinker and innovative teacher. His first and most famous book, The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), also established him as an important social critic. In this and subsequent works, Veblen fiercely assailed the influence of laissez-faire economics and big business in shaping modern society and culture.
Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929), social scientist and Veblen's gruff manner and unconventional personal life also garnered notoriety. The Chicago administration forced him out in 1906 following an extramarital affair. He taught at Stanford for three years, only to be expelled again for personal reasons. In 1919, he became a founding member of the New School for Social Research in New York.
SOURCE: Encyclopedia of American Biography; Webster's American Biographies.

8. Veblen, Thorstein Bunde: Oxford Dictionary Of Sociology
Veblen, Thorstein Bunde (1857–1929) A leading social critic of American industrialism, whose writings inspired socalled institutional economics, and influenced figures such

9. Veblen, Thorstein
Contains a collection of articles and a power point presentation. Theory/Veblen, Thorstein/veblen,_thorstein.
Thorstein Veblen Read each of the following items.
This information in this section is from Dead Sociologists' Society created by Larry R. Ridener, Assistant Professor of Sociology at Radford University. Retrieved on August 12, 2002, from
Thorstein Veblen
The Person
Veblen drew a fine self-portrait in an essay entitled, "The Intellectual Pre- eminence of Jews in Modern Europe," which he wrote toward the end of his career. He says there that the Jewish man of ideas is saved from being intel- lectually passive "at the cost of losing his secure place in the scheme of con- ventions into which he has been born and . . . of finding no similarly secure place in the scheme of gentile conventions into which he is thrown." As a consequence, "he becomes a disturber of the intellectual peace, but at the cost of becoming an intellectual wayfaring man, a wanderer in the intellectual no- man's-land, seeking another place to rest, farther along the road, somewhere over the horizon. [Such Jews] are neither a complaisant nor a contented lot, these aliens of the uneasy feet." Nothing could better characterize Veblen's own life. Intentionally or not, he summed up in this passage the price and the glory of his career.
A Marginal Norwegian
Thorstein Veblen was born on a frontier farm in Wisconsin on July 30, 1857. He was a son of the Middle Border that produced in his generation Lester Ward, Frederick Jackson Turner, Vernon Parrington, and Charles Beard, all men who, like himself, were to mount an assault against the re- ceived wisdom of the intellectual establishment of the East. But unlike these other men, Veblen was almost as much a stranger to the culture of the Mid- west as he was to that of the East.

10. Veblen Thorstein: Free Encyclopedia Articles At Online Library
Research Veblen Thorstein and other related topics by using the free encyclopedia at the online library.

11. Veblen, Thorstein Veblen, Thorstein Bunde Veblen: Information From
Veblen , Thorstein Veblen , Thorstein Bunde Veblen United States economist who wrote about conspicuous consumption

12. Veblen, Thorstein Definition Of Veblen, Thorstein In The Free Online Encyclopedi
Veblen, Thorstein (th r`stīn vĕb`lən), 1857–1929, American economist and social critic, b. Cato Township, Wis. Of Norwegian parentage, he spent his first 17 years in Norwegian, Thorstein

13. Veblen, Thorstein, Books By Thorstein, Books By Thorstein Veblen
Like Theory of the Leisure Class, by Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class, by Veblen

14. Dead Sociologists Index
Biographical introduction with articles about his work and ideas.
Comte Martineau Marx Spencer Durkheim Simmel Weber Veblen Addams Cooley Mead Park Thomas DuBois Pareto Sorokin Notice : I have added a revised and extended set of links for sociological topics which include an annotated description of the website. I hope you will find these useful. Click on the name of the Dead Sociologist below or the picture above to go to that section. Comte Martineau Marx Spencer ... Sorokin
The Person Introduction
The Alliance with Saint-Simon
A Summary of Ideas Introduction
Methods of Inquiry

The Law of Human Progress

Hierarchy of the Sciences
The Normative Doctrine
The Original Work Positivistic Approach to Society
Martineau Marx ... Sorokin
The Person Introduction
Martineau's Life and Background

Autobiographical Memoir
A Summary of Ideas Harriet Martineau's Feminism
Writer's Resolutions

On Women's Rights
On Marriage ... Household Education The Original Work Society in America Comte Martineau Marx ... Sorokin
The Person Introduction Marx Becomes a Young Hegelian Parisian Days: Marx Becomes a Socialist The End of Apprenticeship ... The Founding of the First International A Summary of Ideas The Overall Doctrine Class Theory Alienation The Sociology of Knowledge ... The Two Marxisms (Alvin W. Gouldner)

15. Veblen, Thorstein
Thorstein Bunde Veblen (July 30, 1857 – August 3, 1929) was an American sociologist and economist who applied the evolutionary approach to the study of economic institutions.
Veblen, Thorstein
From New World Encyclopedia
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Norwegian-American economist and sociologist Thorstein Veblen Thorstein Bunde Veblen (July 30, 1857 – August 3, 1929) was an American sociologist and economist who applied the evolutionary approach to the study of economic institutions. His first book The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), embodying his main ideas, became a classic that continues to be popular. Despite this success, Veblen did not achieve academic respect. His critical, often contemptuous, approach to university life, his marital problems, together with his lack of popularity as a teacher drove him out of academia. Veblen's pessimism prevented him from participating in social or political action, even though he had creative and valuable insights into social and economic problems.
Thorstein Bunde Veblen was born Tosten Bunde Veblen on July 30, 1857 in Cato, Wisconsin , into a family of Norwegian immigrants. His nephew, Oswald Veblen became a famous mathematician. The Veblens spoke only Norwegian at home and Thorstein did not learn English until he was a teenager. The family moved to Wheeling, Minnesota in 1865, and he received his elementary education there.

16. Veblen, Thorstein - The Theory Of The Leisure Class
State University. This Portable Document file is furnished free and without any charge of any kind. Any person using this document file, for any purpose, and in any way does so at

17. Review Of Keynes The Economic Consequences Of The Peace
Unfortunate criticism of Keynes views on the Treaty of Versalles.
Review of John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace by Thorstein Veblen Political Science Quarterly, 35, pp. 467-472. It is now something like a year since this book was written. And much of its argument is in the nature of forecast which has in great part been overtaken by the precipitate run of events during these past months. Therefore it would scarcely be fair to read the author's argument as a presentation of client fact. It is rather to be taken as a presentation of the diplomatic potentialities of the Treaty and the League, as seen beforehand, and of the further consequences which may be expected to follow in the course of a statesmanlike management of things under the powers conferred by the Treaty and by the Covenant of the League. It is an altogether sober and admirably candid and facile argument, by a man familiar with diplomatic usage and trained in the details of large financial policy; and the wide vogue and earnest consideration which have been given to this volume reflect its very substantial merit. At the same time the same facts go to show how faithfully its point of view and its line of argument fall in with the prevailing attitude of thoughtful men toward the same range of questions. It is the attitude of men accustomed to take political documents at their face value. Writing at about the date of its formulation and before its effectual working had been demonstrated, Mr Keynes accepts the Treaty as a definitive formulation of the terms of peace, as a conclusive settlement rather than a strategic point of departure for further negotiations and a continuation of warlike enterprise and this in spite of the fact that Mr Keynes was continuously and intimately in touch with the Peace Conference during all those devious negotiations by which the Elder Statesmen of the Great Powers arrived at the bargains embodied in this instrument. These negotiations were quite secret, of course, as is fitting that negotiations among Elder Statesmen should be. But for all their vulpine secrecy, the temper and purposes of that hidden Conclave of political hucksters were already becoming evident to outsiders a year ago, and it is all the more surprising to find that an observer so shrewd and so advantageously placed as Mr Keynes has been led to credit them with any degree of bonafides or to ascribe any degree of finality to the diplomatic instruments which came out of their bargaining. The Treaty was designed, in substance, to re-establish the status quo ante, with a particular view to the conservation of international jealousies. Instead of its having brought a settlement of the world's peace, the Treaty (together with the League) has already shown itself to be nothing better than a screen of diplomatic verbiage behind which the Elder Statesmen of the Great Powers continue their pursuit of political chicane and imperialistic aggrandisement. All this is patent now, and it needs no peculiar degree of courage to admit it. It is also scarcely too much to say that all this should have been sufficiently evident to Mr Keynes a year ago. But in failing to take note of this patent state of the case Mr Keynes only reflects the commonplace attitude of thoughtful citizens. His discussion, accordingly, is a faithful and exceptionally intelligent commentary on the language of the Treaty, rather than the consequences which were designed to follow from it or the uses to which it is lending itself. It would perhaps be an ungraceful overstatement to say that Mr Keynes has successfully avoided the main facts in the case; but an equally broad statement to the contrary would be farther from the truth. The events of the past months go to show that the central and most binding provision of the Treaty (and of the League) is an unrecorded clause by which the governments of the Great Powers are banded together for the suppression of Soviet Russia unrecorded unless record of it is to be found somewhere among the secret archives of the League or of the Great Powers. Apart from this unacknowledged compact there appears to be nothing in the Treaty that has any character of stability or binding force. (Of course, this compact for the reduction of Soviet Russia was not written into the text of the Treaty; it may rather be said to have been the parchment upon which the text was written.) A formal avowal of such a compact for continued warlike operations would not comport with the usages of secret diplomacy, and then it might also be counted on unduly to irritate the underlying populations of the Great Powers, who are unable to see the urgency of the case in the same perspective as the Elder Statesmen. So this difficult but imperative task of suppressing Bolshevism, which faced the Conclave from the outset, has no part in Mr Keynes's analysis of the consequences to be expected from the conclave's Treaty. Yet it is sufficiently evident now that the exigencies of the Conclave's campaign against Russian Bolshevism have shaped the working-out of the Treaty hitherto, beyond any other consideration. This appears to be the only interest which the Elder Statesmen of the Great Powers hold in common; in all else they appear to be engrossed with mutual jealousies and cross purposes, quite in the spirit of that imperialistic status quo out of which the Great War arose. And the like promises to hold true for the future, until after Soviet Russia or the Powers banded together in this surreptitious war on Russia shall reach the breaking-point. In the nature of things it is a war without quarter; but in the nature of things it is also an enterprise which cannot be avowed. It is quite needless to find fault with this urgent campaign of the governments of the Great Powers against Soviet Russia or to say anything in approval of it all. But it is necessary to take note of its urgency and the nature of it, as well as of the fact that this major factor in the practical working-out of the Peace has apparently escaped attention in the most competent analysis of the Peace and its consequences that has yet been offered. It has been overlooked, perhaps, because it is a foregone matter of course. Yet this oversight is unfortunate. Among other things, it has led Mr Keynes into an ungracious characterization of the President and his share in the negotiations. Mr Keynes has much that is uncomplimentary to say of the many concessions and comprehensive defeat in which the President and his avowed purposes became involved in the course of those negotiations with the Elder Statesmen of the Great Powers. Due appreciation of the gravity of this anti-Bolshevist issue, and of its ubiquitous and paramount force in the deliberations of the Conclave, should have saved Mr Keynes from those expressions of scant courtesy which mar his characterization of the President and of the President's work as peacemaker. The intrinsic merits of the quarrel between the Bolsheviki and the Elder Statesmen are not a matter for off-hand decision; nor need they come in consideration here. But the difficulties of the President's work as peacemaker are not to be appreciated without some regard to the nature of this issue that faced him. So, without prejudice, it seems necessary to call to mind the main facts of the case, as these facts confronted him in the negotiations with the Conclave. It is to be remarked, then, that Bolshevism is a menace to absentee ownership. At the same time the present economic and political order rests on absentee ownership. The imperialist policies of the Great Powers, including America, also look to the maintenance and extension of absentee ownership as the major and abiding purpose of all their political traffic. Absentee ownership, accordingly, is the foundation of law and order, according to that scheme of law and order which has been handed down out of the past in all the civilized nations, and to the perpetuation of which the Elder Statesmen are committed by native bent and by the duties of office. This applies to both the economic and the political order, in all these civilized nations, where the security of property rights has become virtually the sole concern of the constituted authorities. The Fourteen Points were drawn up without due appreciation of this paramount place which absentee ownership has come to occupy in the modern civilized countries and without due appreciation of the intrinsically precarious equilibrium in which this paramount institution of civilized mankind has been placed by the growth of industry and education. The Bolshevist demonstration had not yet shown the menace, at the time when the Fourteen Points were drawn up. The Fourteen Points were drawn in the humane spirit of Mid-Victorian Liberalism, without due realization of the fact that democracy has in the meantime outgrown the Mid-Victorian scheme of personal liberty and has grown into a democracy of property rights. Not until the Bolshevist overturn and the rise of Soviet Russia did this new complexion of things become evident to men trained in the good old way of thinking On questions of policy. But at the date of the Peace Conference Soviet Russia had come to be the largest and most perplexing fact within the political and economic horizon. Therefore, so soon as a consideration of details was entered upon it became evident, point by point, that the demands of absentee ownership coincide with the requirements of the existing order, and that these paramount demands of absentee ownership are at the same time incompatible with the humane principles of Mid-Victorian Liberalism. Therefore, regretfully and reluctantly, but imperatively, it became the part of wise statesmanship to save the existing order by saving absentee ownership and letting the Fourteen Points go in the discard. Bolshevism is a menace to absentee ownership; and in the light of events in Soviet Russia it became evident, point by point, that only with the definitive suppression of Bolshevism and all its works, at any cost, could the world be made safe for that Democracy of Property Rights on which the existing political and civil order is founded. So it became the first concern of all the guardians of the existing order to root out Bolshevism at any cost, without regard to international law. lf one is so inclined, one may find fault with the premises of this argument as being out of date and reactionary; and one might find fault with the President for being too straightly guided by considerations of this nature. But the President was committed to the preservation of the existing order of commercialized imperialism, by conviction and by his high office. His apparent defeat in the face of this unforeseen situation, therefore, was not so much a defeat, but rather a strategic realignment designed to compass what was indispensable, even at some cost to his own prestige the main consideration being the defeat of Bolshevism at any cost so that a well-considered view of the President's share in the deliberations of the Conclave will credit him with insight, courage, facility, and tenacity of purpose rather than with that pusillanimity, vacillation, and ineptitude which is ascribed to him in Mr Keynes's too superficial review of the case. So also his oversight of this paramount need of making the world safe for a democracy of absentee owners has led Mr Keynes to take an unduly pessimistic view of the provisions covering the German indemnity. A notable leniency, amounting to something like collusive remissness, has characterized the dealings of the Powers with Germany hitherto. As should have seemed altogether probable beforehand, the stipulations touching the German indemnity have proved to be provisional and tentative only if they should not rather be characterized as a diplomatic bluff, designed to gain time, divert attention, and keep the various claimants in a reasonably patient frame of mind during the period of rehabilitation needed to reinstate the reactionary rgime in Germany and erect it into a bulwark against Bolshevism. These stipulations have already suffered substantial modifications at every point that has come to a test hitherto, and there is no present indication and no present reason to believe that any of them will be lived up to in any integral fashion. They are apparently in the nature of a base for negotiations and are due to come up for indefinite further adjustment as expediency may dictate. And the expediencies of the case appear to run on two main considerations: (a) the defeat of Bolshevism, in Russia and elsewhere; and (b) the continued secure tenure of absentee ownership in Germany. It follows that Germany must not be crippled in such a degree as would leave the imperial establishment materially weakened in its campaign against Bolshevism abroad or radicalism at home. From which it also follows that no indemnity should effectually be levied on Germany such as will at all seriously cut into the free income of the propertied and privileged classes, who alone can be trusted to safeguard the democratic interests of absentee ownership. Such burden as the indemnity may impose must accordingly not exceed an amount which may conveniently be made to fall somewhat immediately on the propertyless working class, who are to be kept in hand. As required by these considerations of safety for the established order, it will be observed that the provisions of the Treaty shrewdly avoid any measures that would involve confiscation of property; whereas, if these provisions had not been drawn with a shrewd eye to the continued security of absentee ownership, there should have been no serious difficulty in collecting an adequate indemnity from the wealth of Germany without materially deranging the country's industry and without hardship to others than the absentee owners. There is no reason, other than the reason of absentee ownership, why the Treaty should not have provided for a comprehensive repudiation of the German war debt, imperial, state, and municipal, with a view to diverting that much of German income to the benefit of those who suffered from German aggression. So also no other reason stood in the way of a comprehensive confiscation of German wealth, so far as that wealth is covered by securities and is therefore held by absentee owners, and there is no question as to the war guilt of these absentee owners. But such a measure would subvert the order of society, which is an order of absentee ownership in so far as concerns the Elder Statesmen and the interests whose guardians they are. Therefore it would not do, nor has the notion been entertained, to divert any part of this free income from the German absentee owners to the relief of those who suffered from the war which these absentee owners carried into the countries of the Allies. In effect, in their efforts to safeguard the existing political and economic order to make the world safe for a democracy of investors the statesmen of the victorious Powers have taken sides with the war-guilty absentee owners of Germany and against their underlying population. All of which, of course, is quite regular and beyond reproach; nor does it all ruffle the course of Mr Keynes's exposition of economic consequences, in any degree. Even such conservative provisions as the Treaty makes for indemnifying the war victims have hitherto been enforced only with a shrewdly managed leniency, marked with an unmistakable partisan bias in favor of the German-Imperial status quo ante; as is also true for the provisions touching disarmament and the discontinuance of warlike industries and organization which provisions have been administered in a well-conceived spirit of opra bouffe. Indeed, the measures hitherto taken in the execution of this Peace Treaty's provisional terms throw something of an air of fantasy over Mr Keynes's apprehensions on this head.

18. Veblen, Thorstein Summary |
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19. Veblen Thorstein Veblen Books (Used, New, Out-of-Print) - Alibris,
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20. "Why Is Economics Not An Evolutionary Science"
Critical of the idea that economics is a cohesive body of fact.
"Why is Economics Not an Evolutionary Science" by Thorstein Veblen The Quarterly Journal of Economics; Volume 12, 1898. The men of the sciences that are proud to own themselves "modern" find fault with the economists for being still content to occupy themselves with repairing a structure and doctrines and maxims resting on natural rights, utilitarianism, and administrative expediency. This aspersion is not altogether merited, but is near enough to the mark to carry a sting. These modern sciences are evolutionary sciences, and their adepts contemplate that characteristic of their work with some complacency. Economics is not an evolutionary science by the confession of its spokesmen; and the economists turn their eyes with something of envy and some sense of baffled emulation to these rivals that make broad their phylacteries with the legend, "Up to date." The development and the attenuation of this preconception of normality or of a propensity in events might be traced in detail from primitive animism down through the elaborate discipline of faith and metaphysics, overruling Providence, order of nature, natural rights, natural law, underlying principles. But all that may be necessary here is to point out that, by descent and by psychological content, this constraining normality is of a spiritual coherence to the facts dealt with. The question of interest is how this preconception of normality has fared at the hands of modern science, and how it has come to be superseded in the intellectual primacy by the latter day preconception of a non-spiritual sequence. This question is of interest because its answer may throw light on the question as to what chance there is for the indefinite persistence of this archaic habit of thought in the methods of economic science.

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